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When did Christianity stop being Jewish?

The first followers were all Jewish, and so was the man they were arguing about.

Deepdepth, meaning: Major unanswered questions.Uncertain. Meaningful scientific, historical or philosophical disagreement remains.Inspect the question
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The question

A movement of Jews, following a Jewish teacher, reading Jewish scriptures, arguing about Jewish law. Nothing in that sentence describes a new religion, and for a while there was not one.

What there is instead is a process with no announcement, visible in what the documents stop taking for granted.

Read this question as

Everything below, in the order it was written.

Showing every passage.

What the documents show

Known. Strongly supported by evidence and broadly established.

Strongly supported by evidence and broadly established.

The first big argument is about admission, not about leaving

The text. What the biblical texts themselves state. That a text says something is a fact about the text, and separate from whether it describes an event.

Acts has a party insisting "unless you are circumcised after the custom of Moses, you can’t be saved", and a meeting in Jerusalem deciding otherwise: to "lay no greater burden on you than these necessary things", a short list of abstentions.

Notice what that is. It is a Jewish movement deciding the terms on which non-Jews may join it. Nobody in the room is proposing to stop being Jewish.

Paul describes the same period and it is rougher

The text. What the biblical texts themselves state. That a text says something is a fact about the text, and separate from whether it describes an event.

In Galatians, Paul gives his own account: an agreement that he would go to the Gentiles and Peter to the circumcised, and then a public confrontation at Antioch. "I resisted him to his face, because he stood condemned." Peter had been eating with Gentiles and drew back when people came from James.

A dispute about who may eat with whom is a dispute about whether this is one community. The letter shows it unresolved and bitter, which the tidier account in Acts does not.

By the mid-second century the separation is on the page

Evidence. Established by measurement, documents, manuscripts, archaeology or other method that can be checked, and not seriously disputed.

Justin’s Dialogue with Trypho, written around 160, is a Christian arguing with a Jew as with an outsider. Circumcision, in his reading, was given as a mark of judgement.

The rhetoric is already hard. The same chapter says the desolation of the land, and the ban on any Jew going up to Jerusalem, came "in fairness and justice, for you have slain the Just One". Whatever the first century was, this is two things, and one of them is writing against the other.

A dispute about who may eat with whom is a dispute about whether this is one community.

How long it took

Uncertain. Meaningful scientific, historical or philosophical disagreement remains.

Meaningful scientific, historical or philosophical disagreement remains.

Whether there was a parting at all, in the singular

Scholarship. A reading or reconstruction argued among the people who work on it, where the evidence allows more than one conclusion.

The older account had a clean break, set going after the destruction of the temple in 70 by rabbinic measures at Yavneh such as the Birkat ha-Minim, the blessing against heretics, and complete by the Bar Kokhba revolt. Steven Katz argued in 1984 that even that blessing "did not signal any decisive break between Jews and Jewish Christians", and a collection titled The Ways That Never Parted asks whether there was a definitive parting at all. The evidence runs late. In the fourth century a church council at Laodicea was still legislating against Christians who rested on the Sabbath or shared in Jewish feasts. It put judaizing under anathema, which is not a canon anyone writes about a practice nobody has.

Read that way, the separation happened at different speeds in different places and was pressed hardest by those with authority on both sides, who wanted a line that ordinary people kept crossing.

What made it irreversible

Scholarship. A reading or reconstruction argued among the people who work on it, where the evidence allows more than one conclusion.

Candidates include the admission of large numbers of Gentiles who never kept the law, the destruction of the temple removing a shared centre, the Jewish revolts against Rome and their consequences, and the hardening of both traditions into forms that defined themselves against the other. The collection cited above begins at the Bar Kokhba revolt, after the temple had fallen and Gentiles had come to outnumber Jews in the movement, and which of the candidates did the work is not something this page has read an answer to. A Vatican commission in 2015 named two: Gentiles becoming the majority, and polemics about Jesus sharpening within the Jewish community.

They are not alternatives so much as a sequence nobody planned.

The ones who were both

Unknown. Humanity does not currently have a satisfactory answer.

Humanity does not currently have a satisfactory answer.

The people in the middle

Open. A question no research, historical or scientific or theological, has resolved to general agreement.

Groups who followed Jesus and kept the law existed for centuries. Jerome describes one, the Nazarenes, as "condemned by the Pharisees", and says of them that "while they desire to be both Jews and Christians, they are neither the one nor the other". Eusebius describes the Ebionites keeping the Sabbath and the law and using a gospel of their own, and in the same chapter explains that their name signifies poverty of understanding.

They are the direct evidence for how long it was possible to be both, and in both of these accounts someone else is speaking for them.

What it became, and what was said later

Possible. A hypothesis or interpretation worth examining, but not an established fact.

A hypothesis or interpretation worth examining, but not an established fact.

What the separation became

Evidence. Established by measurement, documents, manuscripts, archaeology or other method that can be checked, and not seriously disputed.

The argument did not stay an argument. A Vatican commission, quoting John Paul II, wrote in 1998 that readings of the New Testament about the Jews’ "alleged culpability have circulated for too long, engendering feelings of hostility towards this people". The same document says that anti-Judaism "in some Christian quarters" led to "a generalized discrimination, which ended at times in expulsions or attempts at forced conversions", and that in times of crisis the Jewish minority "was sometimes taken as a scapegoat and became the victim of violence, looting, even massacres". Dabru Emet, a Jewish statement of 2000, puts it without qualification: "Without the long history of Christian anti-Judaism and Christian violence against Jews, Nazi ideology could not have taken hold nor could it have been carried out."

In 1965 the Second Vatican Council stated, for the Catholic Church, that the passion "cannot be charged against all the Jews, without distinction, then alive, nor against the Jews of today", and that the church "decries hatred, persecutions, displays of anti-Semitism, directed against Jews at any time and by anyone". The date is part of the information.

What each tradition says it is

Traditions differ. A point on which Catholic, Orthodox and Protestant traditions teach differently, described without picking between them.

The Second Vatican Council says the church’s faith and election begin "among the Patriarchs, Moses and the prophets", and a 1987 paper of the Presbyterian Church (U.S.A.) that the church "has been engrafted into the people of God". But for centuries the dominant way of claiming Israel’s inheritance was replacement. A Vatican commission wrote in 2015 that supersessionism gained favour among many of the church fathers until, in the Middle Ages, it was "the standard theological foundation" of the relationship with Judaism. Since 1965 the Catholic Church, and a number of Protestant bodies, have said instead that God’s covenant with the Jewish people endures.

One Jewish answer is that Christianity is not a form of Judaism. Dabru Emet, a statement published in 2000 over the names of more than 170 rabbis and Jewish intellectuals speaking for themselves, respects it as "a faith that originated within Judaism" and says: "We do not see it as an extension of Judaism."

Those are not symmetrical positions, and there is no neutral vantage point from which to referee them. What a reader can see is that the first generation would have found the question strange.

The evidence

Primary research, scientific institutions and archives. Links open at the publisher.

  1. Acts 15, World English BibleeBible.org, public domain
  2. Galatians 2, World English BibleeBible.org, public domain
  3. Dialogue with Trypho, chapter 16Justin Martyr, Ante-Nicene Fathers volume 1, Christian Classics Ethereal Library · c. 160
  4. Canons of the Synod of Laodicea, canons 29, 37 and 38Translated by Henry Percival, Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers second series volume 14, New Advent · fourth century
  5. Church History, Book 3, chapter 27Eusebius of Caesarea, translated by Arthur Cushman McGiffert, Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers second series volume 1, New Advent · c. 325
  6. Nostra Aetate: Declaration on the Relation of the Church to Non-Christian ReligionsSecond Vatican Council, The Holy See · 28 October 1965
  7. The Ways that Never Parted: Jews and Christians in Late Antiquity and the Early Middle AgesAdam H. Becker and Annette Yoshiko Reed, Mohr Siebeck · 2003
  8. Review of J. H. Charlesworth (ed.), Jesus' Jewishness: Exploring the Place of Jesus within Early JudaismJ. Engelbrecht, HTS Teologiese Studies 52(2/3) · 1996
  9. Deviance or acceptable difference: Observance of the Law in Romans 14–15 and Dialogue with Trypho 47Ronald D. Roberts, HTS Teologiese Studies 68(1) · 2012
  10. A textual evidence on the separation of Judaism and ChristianityA. G. van Aarde, HTS Teologiese Studies Supplementum 5 · 1994
  11. Letter 112, to Augustine (Letter 75 in Augustine’s collection)Jerome, translated by J. G. Cunningham, Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers first series volume 1, New Advent · 404
  12. Tosefta Chullin, chapter 2Hebrew text from Mechon Mamre; English, Sefaria Community Translation, Sefaria
  13. How many Jews became Christians in the first century? The failure of the Christian mission to the JewsDavid C. Sim, HTS Teologiese Studies 61(1/2) · 2005
  14. "The Gifts and the Calling of God are Irrevocable" (Rom 11:29): A Reflection on Theological Questions Pertaining to Catholic-Jewish RelationsCommission for Religious Relations with the Jews, The Holy See · 10 December 2015
  15. We Remember: A Reflection on the ShoahCommission for Religious Relations with the Jews, The Holy See · 16 March 1998
  16. Dabru Emet: A Jewish Statement on Christians and ChristianityNational Jewish Scholars Project, Institute for Christian and Jewish Studies (now the Institute for Islamic, Christian, and Jewish Studies) · 10 September 2000
  17. A Theological Understanding of the Relationship Between Christians and JewsPresbyterian Church (U.S.A.), commended for study by the 199th General Assembly; text at Dialogika, Council of Centers on Jewish-Christian Relations · June 1987
On a route

How it became an institution

From an illegal association in one province to an empire, a creed and, eventually, several churches.

03 of 14This question is stop 3 of 14 on How it became an institution, a route through the Ocean of Faith.
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