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What did Christians think about war?

Two positions, both argued from the same texts, and a change of circumstances between them that is hard to ignore.

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What was written, and when

Known. Strongly supported by evidence and broadly established.

Strongly supported by evidence and broadly established.

Around 248, a defender of the faith explains why Christians will not enlist

Evidence. Established by measurement, documents, manuscripts, archaeology or other method that can be checked, and not seriously disputed.

Celsus had urged Christians to fight for the emperor and, if he required it, to serve under him. Origen answers directly: "none fight better for the king than we do. We do not indeed fight under him, although he require it; but we fight on his behalf, forming a special army", which he calls "an army of piety", "by offering our prayers to God."

He argues it by analogy with pagan priests, who were exempted from the army so their hands stayed clean for sacrifice. The refusal is presented as a recognised category rather than as sedition, which is how you argue when you are a minority explaining yourself to a hostile majority.

And a generation earlier a North African asks whether it is lawful at all

Evidence. Established by measurement, documents, manuscripts, archaeology or other method that can be checked, and not seriously disputed.

Tertullian, on a soldier who refused a garland: "I think we must first inquire whether warfare is proper at all for Christians." His reasons are the military oath alongside the oath to Christ, and the sentence about him who uses the sword perishing by it.

The objection is not only to killing. It is to the oath, the guard duty at temples, and the punishments a soldier administers: a whole occupation, not a single act.

He was arguing with other Christians as much as with Rome. The soldier had stood out "among so many soldier-brethren", and Tertullian writes to refute "the laurel-crowned Christians themselves".

The other text was always there too

The text. What the biblical texts themselves state. That a text says something is a fact about the text, and separate from whether it describes an event.

Romans has the authority as "a servant of God, an avenger for wrath to him who does evil", who "doesn’t bear the sword in vain", and tells every soul to be in subjection to it.

A tradition holding both that and the instruction to love enemies has a problem to solve rather than a rule to apply, and it solved it differently before and after it acquired an empire.

By 418 the question is how, not whether

Evidence. Established by measurement, documents, manuscripts, archaeology or other method that can be checked, and not seriously disputed.

Augustine, writing to a Roman officer: "peace should be the object of your desire; war should be waged only as a necessity, and waged only that God may by it deliver men from the necessity and preserve them in peace", and "peace is not sought in order to the kindling of war, but war is waged in order that peace may be obtained."

This belongs to the beginning of a doctrine rather than a permission slip: it sets conditions, and conditions can be failed. It is also unmistakably advice to a man with an army, which the earlier writers were not in a position to give.

It is unmistakably advice to a man with an army, which the earlier writers were not in a position to give.

What the change was

Uncertain. Meaningful scientific, historical or philosophical disagreement remains.

Meaningful scientific, historical or philosophical disagreement remains.

How many Christians were actually soldiers

Scholarship. A reading or reconstruction argued among the people who work on it, where the evidence allows more than one conclusion.

The writers who condemn military service are evidence that Christians were in the army, or there would be nothing to condemn. Tertullian himself boasts elsewhere that Christians have filled "the very camp", and Eusebius begins his account of the Great Persecution with a purge of Christians from the army.

So the sources record the argument of one side rather than the practice of the whole church. How widely the refusal was held, and whether it was chiefly about killing or about the oath and the idolatry around it, is argued from a thin and one-sided record.

Whether the change was conviction or circumstance

Scholarship. A reading or reconstruction argued among the people who work on it, where the evidence allows more than one conclusion.

The uncomfortable reading is that a persecuted minority found non-violence easier to hold than an established church responsible for a frontier, and that the theology followed the position.

The reply is that the earlier writers were also objecting to an army whose service meant an oath to the emperor and duties at the temples of the gods, and that removing those removes much of their stated objection, though not Origen’s, which is about blood. Both of those are real arguments and the evidence does not close the gap between them.

What nobody recorded

Unknown. Humanity does not currently have a satisfactory answer.

Humanity does not currently have a satisfactory answer.

What ordinary Christians did

Open. A question no research, historical or scientific or theological, has resolved to general agreement.

Nobody counted. The people who left writing were the ones with a position to defend, and a soldier in Britain or Syria who quietly kept his job left no letter about it.

Most of the record of this question is a record of what a few educated men thought it should be.

Where it stands

Possible. A hypothesis or interpretation worth examining, but not an established fact.

A hypothesis or interpretation worth examining, but not an established fact.

What the traditions hold now

Traditions differ. A point on which Catholic, Orthodox and Protestant traditions teach differently, described without picking between them.

The Catholic Church and the Russian Orthodox Church allow that Christians may take part in war, the second while calling war evil. So do three confessions of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, in churches that still hold them: the Augsburg Confession in the Lutheran Church–Missouri Synod, the Anglican Articles in the Church of England, and the Westminster Confession in the Orthodox Presbyterian Church. Where criteria are given they descend in part from Augustine, and they are stated as conditions rather than as an endorsement. The Catholic catechism calls them strict: the damage must be lasting, grave and certain, every other means must have been shown ineffective, there must be serious prospects of success, and the arms must not produce evils graver than the evil they answer. Pope Francis wrote in 2020 that it is now "very difficult" to invoke them.

Some refuse war altogether. The Mennonite confession puts it flatly: its members do not prepare for war, or participate in war or military service.

Each side can find its ancestors in the first three hundred years, one in what Tertullian and Origen wrote and the other in the Christians who served anyway. Only one of them has had to govern.

The evidence

Primary research, scientific institutions and archives. Links open at the publisher.

  1. Against Celsus, Book 8, chapters 73 and 74Origen, Ante-Nicene Fathers volume 4, New Advent · c. 248
  2. The Chaplet, chapter 11: whether warfare is proper for ChristiansTertullian, Ante-Nicene Fathers volume 3, New Advent · c. 211
  3. Romans 13, World English BibleeBible.org, public domain
  4. Letter 189, to BonifaceAugustine of Hippo, Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers series I volume 1, New Advent · 418
  5. Christian Attitudes Towards the Roman State, War, and Military Service, in Soldiering for GodJohn F. Shean, Brill · 2010
  6. Catechism of the Catholic Church, paragraphs 2307 to 2317: avoiding warThe Holy See · 1992
  7. Confession of Faith in a Mennonite Perspective, article 22: peace, justice and nonresistanceMennonite Church USA
  8. Matthew 5, World English BibleeBible.org, public domain
  9. Origen and OrigenismFerdinand Prat, Catholic Encyclopedia (1911), New Advent · 1911
  10. TertullianJohn Chapman, Catholic Encyclopedia (1912), New Advent · 1912
  11. Constantine the GreatCharles Herbermann and Georg Grupp, Catholic Encyclopedia (1908), New Advent · 1908
  12. The Apology, chapters 37 and 42Tertullian, Ante-Nicene Fathers volume 3, New Advent · c. 197
  13. Church History, Book 8, chapters 1 and 4Eusebius of Caesarea, Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers series II volume 1, New Advent · c. 324
  14. Letter 185, to Boniface: the editor’s headingAugustine of Hippo, Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers series I volume 1, New Advent · 416
  15. Just war theory and scapegoat mechanism: An analysis of missio Dei and social orderGodfrey T. Baleng, HTS Teologiese Studies 81(1), open access · 2025
  16. Fratelli Tutti, encyclical letter on fraternity and social friendshipPope Francis, The Holy See · 2020
  17. The Augsburg Confession, article 16: of civil affairsBook of Concord, bookofconcord.org · 1530
  18. The Westminster Confession of Faith, chapter 23: of the civil magistrateOrthodox Presbyterian Church, opc.org · 1646
  19. The Thirty-nine Articles of Religion, article 37: of the civil magistratesThe Church of England · 1571
  20. The Basis of the Social Concept, section 8: war and peaceRussian Orthodox Church, Department for External Church Relations · 2000
  21. Beliefs: what is a Lutheran?The Lutheran Church–Missouri Synod, lcms.org
  22. Canons of the Church of England, section A, canon A 5: of the doctrine of the Church of EnglandThe Church of England
  23. Confession and Catechisms: our standardsOrthodox Presbyterian Church, opc.org
On a route

How it became an institution

From an illegal association in one province to an empire, a creed and, eventually, several churches.

05 of 14This question is stop 5 of 14 on How it became an institution, a route through the Ocean of Faith.
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